A short caveat to The Office That Was Never Built.
The voluntary-adoption path the essay sketches, a central scheme tied to performance grants or party-level adoption in two or three states, is underspecified. The claim that “continued non-adoption becomes politically expensive once the numbers exist publicly” is plausible but optimistic. It assumes public visibility of comparative metrics changes MP behaviour faster than electoral cycles do. That assumption has not held up well historically. Incumbents have survived worse transparency than this.
There is a second gap the essay does not touch. Most of the six functions, casework, MPLADS, brokerage, visible presence, have closer counterparts at the state legislative level, where MLAs often carry more day-to-day constituency weight than MPs do. A full design would address the state legislatures alongside Parliament, or explicitly explain why starting with Parliament is the right forcing function.
These are the two places the argument is thinnest. I did not add them to the essay because they would shift its centre of gravity from “the office was never built” to “here is what it would take to build it, in full political detail”, which is a different essay. But they are worth naming.